This manual is designed to fill a doctrinal gap. It has been 20 years since the U.S. Army published a manual devoted to counterinsurgency operations, and 25 since the Marine Corps published its last such manual. With our Soldiers and Marines fighting insurgents in both Afghanistan and Iraq, it is thus essential that we give them a manual that provides principles and guidelines for counterinsurgency operations(COIN). Such guidance must be grounded in historical studies. However, it also must be informed by contemporary experiences.
Was anyone surprised that U.S. Marines and Army soldiers weren't good at maintaining law and order after Saddam's regime was toppled? Remember what Conan the Barbarian said when asked what is best in life? "To see your enemy driven before you, to crush them, and to hear the lamentation of the women." For me, this comes to mind when I think of U.S. forces conquering a country. Are these the right people to walk civilian neighborhoods, rounding up bad guys, and protecting the civil rights of ordinary people? Our soldiers are not monsters, but their training is heavy on destroying enemy armies, not rebuilding countries.
I think we should also consider whether or not it's our responsibility to do more than remove a brutal dictator. If you're like me, you agree it was right to remove Saddam Hussein by force, but was it our moral responsibility to rebuild the country after?
On a side note, I discovered an an interesting piece of writing called "The Casualty-Aversion Myth" while searching for "Counterinsurgency". Written by a professor of strategy and policy at the Naval War College, the article tries to make the argument in its title, starting with the opening graph:
That is the nature of the American public's sensitivity to U.S. military casualties? How does casualty sensitivity affect the pursuit of American national security objectives?1 The first question is easy to answer: There is no intrinsic, uncritical casualty aversion among the American public that limits the use of U.S. armed forces. There is a wide range of policy objectives on behalf of which the public is prepared to accept American casualties as a cost of success. Squeamishness about even a few casualties for all but the most important national causes is a myth. Nonetheless, it is a myth that persists as widely accepted conventional wisdom.
Here is a table used in the article. It's from a 1998 poll of Americans:
Highest number of American military deaths acceptable to...
Stabilize democratic government in Congo: 6,861
Prevent Iraq from obtaining WMD: 29,853
Defend Taiwan from Chinese invasion: 20,172
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